"Everything is still before you": being young in Siberia today
15 - 17 November 2003
Main Seminar Room, MPI, Advokatenweg 36, D-06114 Halle (Saale)
Organisers: Joachim Otto Habeck and the members of the Siberian Studies Centre
Anouska Traast
Student of Cultural Anthropology at the Free University in Amsterdam
Religion and collective identity among students in Ulan-Ude
Introduction
This article is about the students living and studying in Ulan-Ude.
Ulan-Ude is a city in East Siberia. Here, I conducted research for my MA thesis,
from the end of April until the end of July 2003.
Within the city are four universities and academies.
My respondents are students from these universities and academies.
They come from the city and from surrounding rural areas.
For my research I used several qualitative methods.
The theoretical idea of a rapid religious revival caught my attention.
Now-adays there are many different religious institutions in Ulan-Ude.
Some are already 'old' and 'established'.
They were already present in the area before the communist era.
Others came only since Perestroika.
The (re)building of institutions does not have to imply a religious revival among the 'lay' people.
Also Dunlop (1996: 119) states,
"An important indicator of religious intensity is the extent of an individual's participation in the sacraments".
I do not agree with this.
The students in Ulan-Ude showed me that they considered themselves to be religious even though they hardly participate in the sacraments.
In this article I want to give voice to these students and their perceptions of religion.
This article examines the role of religion in the form-ation of collective identities.
I will argue that religion plays a role in the formation of collective identities.
However, the importance of this role varies between students.
I also argue that we can divide the post-communist period in three different periods.
The role of religion differs in each period.
Defining key concepts
Before continuing with the article, I will first explain some key concepts.
In this article I understand identity as defined by Duyzings (1999: 18).
He first quotes Jenkins:
"Identity represents primarily a link between the individual
and a specific category or group of people.
It is based on perceived sameness which at the same time implies difference with others:
identity is therefore about classification and the process of associating or equating oneself
(or others) with someone or something else". Duyzings ads,
"if a category (which is the result of an act of classification) becomes a
principle of group formation, then identity represents primarily a social bond between
the individual and a collectivity or community".
Identity may vary according to time and place.
It also can be accepted or contested by others from outside and inside the collectivity.
According to Woodward (2000: 7) there are multiple identities within a person.
With these multiple identities people belong to several categories and groups of people at
the same time. There can be tensions among these identities.
People classify themselves and others on the basis of the
interpretation of many characteristics.
In the studies on collective identities several characteristics are deeper explored.
These are among others religion, language, nationality, ethnicity, race, and class
(c.f. Anderson 2000, Banks 1999, Barth 1969, Duyzings 1999, Eriksen 2002, Fenton 1999,
and Jenkins 1998).
The students in Ulan-Ude also use different characteristics to classify themselves and others.
They form collective identities on a variety of characteristics like ethnic background
(Buryat, Russian, or other), place of growing up (in rural or urban areas),
language (Buryat and Russian) and religion.
In this article I will highlight their perceptions on religion.
Personal perceptions of religion
All students told me that they think religiousness is something personal.
Ajuna (18, Buddhist) wrote on her questionnaire: "I think that all people can have their own religion".
This means that each person can make up his, or her own mind about religion.
And also that one is tolerant towards people with other perspectives on religion.
Furthermore students make their own choices with regard to religion.
Religiousness
Students in Ulan-Ude are confronted with the question of being religious or not.
There are many variations in religiousness among the students.
Fourteen out of 44 students thought of themselves as being very religious.
But even among these fourteen students I noticed differences.
One man (approximately 25) spend an hour to convert me to Lutheranism.
A girl (18) said she was very religious, but also had other things on her mind.
Other perceptions of religion were believing in a religion
but not participating in religious activities;
feeling that there is something out there, but not yet knowing what; not being religious,
but nevertheless participating in religious activities.
I never came across students who were not religious and
also not participating in any religious activity.
Furthermore, male and female students responded equally to questions of religiousness.
I did not find women to be more religious, or men less.
Tanja (18, Paganist) and Anja (23, Agnostic) also emphasized this in the interview.
Different religions
Another question is about which religion to believe in.
In Ulan-Ude are many different religious institutions.
Generally, their religious leaders have returned into the country or revealed themselves as religious leaders
since approximately 1986.
The students I questioned were Buddhist, Orthodox Christian, Catholic Christian,
Lutheran, Protestant, Bahai, Paganist, Jew, or a mix of several of these religions.
Interesting was that students hold syncretic notions of religion.
Many students use ideas of different religions. For example Lara (19) wrote to me
that she was raised in a Buddhist family, but she thought it more important to be a good man,
than what religion you believe in: "God is only one, no matter what his name is.
The basics of all religions are the same. And they teach us morality and to love all your around".
Sacha (18, Buddhist) said that even the Buddhist lamaÕs have to keep account with the ancient spirits of the land.
She also said that one can better ask small questions to these ancient spirits than to the gods.
This is, because they are closer to you than the gods and therefore come to help sooner.
This syncretism might also be linked with the history of religions in Buryatia.
It is already part of the local history since the coming of Orthodox Christianity and Buddhism.
Ghengis (28, protestant) explained to me that people in eastern Buryatia
(an area which nowadays lies in the province of Irkutsk)
converted to Orthodox Christianity so easily,
because of the similarities between a white haired old saint of the Orthodox Church and a
white haired old spirit from shamanist religions.
Interesting is that this white haired old man also can be found in local Buddhism.
If the persons in the religious stories were alike it wasnÕt so hard anymore to believe
the 'new' religion. Furthermore, the people in Buryatia experienced a period of atheism during
the Soviet period. With the optimistic period afterwards one had many different choices to make
and did not yet know which choices would lead to survival (c.f. Anderson 2000: 202, and Breslauer 1996: 8, 9). So one could better choose for a mix of all choices.
It might also be linked with the function of safety net.
All students told me that their religious activities take place especially when they need help for some reason. When in need it does not matter which of the religious spirits or deities exactly comes to help, but that one is helped.
Personal choice and growing up in a religious environment
There are two ways of thinking about starting a personal religious identity among the students in Ulan-Ude. The first is the personal choice for a religion and the second is being raised with a religious identity from childhood. Half of the students feel they actively choose their own religious identity. They know exactly when they started to become religious. However, there is a decrease in students that choose for themselves from perestroika onwards. Most choose in the end of the eighties and beginning of the nineties. Only a few still make choices for themselves nowadays. The other half feels that their religious identity was already acquired through socialisation. These students are more often the younger ones in the ages seventeen and eighteen. They also cannot remember much from the time before perestroika. I think in future years this last perception will be more and more heard.
Making their own choices seems to be standing in contradiction with the in-fluence of others on their religiousness. But I think this rather is a case of interaction. Group influence on individual actions can sometimes seem very rigid. Students can still make their own choices, from a range of choices given by the groups of people surrounding them. This is part of the processes of culture . This also counts for the students in Ulan-Ude. Alexej (18) told me, that he was baptised into the Orthodox Christian Church when he was small. He was not very conscious about this at that time, but "consciousness comes when you become older. Then you start to understand more and you learn which beliefs and principles are important". Even though he grew up with Orthodox Christianity he also eventually chose to believe and participate in this religion.
Social context
Above I shortly mentioned the influence of 'others' in the religious identity of students. Relations with 'others' are important in the formation of collective identities. Although the students make their own choices with regard to religion, others do influence these choices. Here I have to say again that for each student religion plays a different role in the formation of his or her collective identity. It can influence all aspects of relations with other people and vice versa. So for one student the religious identity can stand for tolerance towards people with other religious ideas. For another religion can also mean a boundary between different ethnic groups.
Family
Family and friends are high valued in Ulan-Ude. The family and also sometimes close friends nowadays have the function of a social safety net. An aunt arranged for Alexandra (23) a place in university. AnjaÕs (23) uncle persuaded her family to let her go to Scandinavia. He also raised the funds among the family. The family cares for people who are alcoholic and unemployed. Lena (28) took a friend out for dinner, because he had helped her into a better job. So the opinions and activities of family and friends are of most influence on the religious identity of students.
Alexej (18, Orthodox Christian) told me that he didnÕt think that religion played such a big role in relations with others. Most students follow the religion of their parents. He did not often see a son believing something else than his father. The family provides a basis for a religious identity. Young people grow up in an environ-ment, which is already in a way religiously affiliated. Family members take children, students and each other to religious activities. Interesting is that with regard to religious activities, students more often mentioned female family members. It was an aunt that took Galina (18, not religious) and her mother to a shaman for GalinaÕs depressions. Furthermore, especially grandmothers are often mentioned as teachers of the students in religion. Sacha (18, Buddhist) has much regard for her grandmother. She is the only one Sacha trusts in teaching her the best way to do religious rituals. GhenghisÕ (28, Protestant) grandmother only approved of his choice for Protestantism after she had heard that alcohol is prohibited.
It is also the other way around. Religious identities of students also influence their relationships with others, but this is done in as many different ways as there are personal religious identities. One girl (18, Orthodox Christian) told me her religious identity makes her feel tolerant and open towards other people. Another girl (19, Buddhist) said that she didnÕt like Russians. She had only one Russian friend who also is Buddhist, and she was an exception. For this girl being Buryat meant being Buddhist and being Russian meant being Orthodox Christian.
Friends
Among friends religion is more often seen as something personal. One can have friends with different religious backgrounds. Alexej (18, Orthodox Christian) said that religion did not play a big role in the relations with his friends. He nevertheless knows exactly what religions they believe in. Among friends one can also discuss the topic of religion. They exchange opinions and take each other on religious outings. Tujana (18, Buddhist) for example took Galina (18, not religious) and me to the old Datsan . She explained us the rituals and we imitated her moves. Friends help each other in times of need. They for example give each other tips on rituals to perform to get excellent marks. Tanja (18, Paganist) and Anja (23, agnostic) told me that students saw this partly as a joke, but at the same time also take it seriously.
According to Alla (34, Bahai), especially foreign friends are of influence on the religious identity of youngsters. This is due to the fact that most foreigners that stay in Ulan-Ude are missionaries or religiously affiliated in another way. These people are of a great attraction to students, because they give the students the opportunity to practise their English. They also tell stories of foreign countries. All students I spoke to have a great wish to once visit these countries. During these conversations they also often speak of religion.
Historical context
The explanation of identity already states, that identity may vary according to time and place. To understand the different processes in the formation of collective identities, we also have to look at the historical context. Here, I will discuss the periods pre-communism, communism, and post-communism.
Pre-communism
Mote (1998: 71) writes that in 1650 the Buryat-people came under protectorate of the Russian tsar. These people were exposed to russification and converted to Russian Orthodox Christianity. In 1710 Buddhist monks also came to the area to convert the local people. These religions were syncretized with the local shamanistic religions. Not only Buryat-peoples lived in the area of contemporary Buryatia. Through the centuries other peoples also migrated into the area.
Governmental policies towards Buddhism shifted over the years between tolerance and intolerance. The establishment as well as the destruction of Datsans were part of governmental policy. Just as they every now and then emphasized russification.
Communism
This shifting in tolerance is also to be seen during the communist period. In the Marxist ideology religion is seen as 'opium for the people'. During the soviet period this ideology was taken over in a governmental policy of prohibition of religion. Stalin's regime was most totalitarian in this policy. Breslauer (1996: 5) writes that the Stalinist regimes "largely destroyed alternative centres of power that could mobilize people around competing identities". Odigon (1997) writes that the Buryat were not allowed to express themselves in their own national treats like language, writing, religion, and rituals. Religious buildings and artefacts were either destroyed or exhibited in a "museum of Atheism".
There were off course still people who did not follow governmental rules. They used their own language and religion in secret. One Buddhist monastery was still present as well as several churches. The catholic priest also told me that other priest since the fifties started performing services in secret throughout Buryatia.
Post-communism
After a period of persecution slowly a period of tolerance came back. This led in the regime of Gorbatshov to the ideas of perestroika and glasnost. In this time Buryat nationalism arose (Odigon 1997). In 1990 the Buryat government declared sovereignty of the own laws above those of the USSR. Although already set in motion in 1986, this period of tolerance only became clear to 'the west' after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Buryatia became part of the Russian Federation in 1992.
Within the period of post-communism I would like to distinct three periods. These I will call optimism, sceptism and stabilization. I make these distinctions because in each period religion experiences a different role in the formation of collective identities. In these periods we the shifting between tolerance and intolerance returns. The optimist and Stabilization period are periods of tolerance, and the period of sceptism is one of intolerance.
Optimism
This period of optimism was in the end of the eighties and beginning of the nineties. Students of those years see their student life as a happy period compared to student life nowadays. Students did not have to many options for a study. They also did not have to work next to their study.
With the fall of the Soviet regime the possibilities of choices changed and increased. Breslauer (1996: 8-10) says, that people were being urged to define themselves along many dimensions. These different identities sometimes conflicted, which led to disorientation.
One also had to redefine oneself along religious lines. It was a period for many people to openly affiliate themselves with a religion. Several authors (c.f. Atlas: Ulan Ude 1995, Bernstein 2002, Dunlop 1996, Odigon 1997) speak of a rapid religious revival. 'Old' religions as well as 'new religions grew in popularity. Odigon (1997) says, that there is: "a rapid revival of Buryat shamanism, and the number of shamans increases to this day. Buddhism also revived, and new temples have been build in most major Buryat towns". Alla (34, Bahai) told me that the people chose for a religion, to fill up the ideological emptiness they felt when communism turned out to be not so fantastic as they had learned.
Sceptism
After this period of optimism came during the regime of Yeltsin a period of sceptism and chaos. Transitions in economics and politics were chaotic (Riasanovsky 2000: 626). This feeling of sceptism also was felt in the field of religion. The popularity of religions decreased. Alexandra (23) told me that the members of the Bahai community decreased from 200 in the beginning years to approximately 80. People started to fall back on 'traditions'. This happened because the 'new' ideas like for example capitalism did not develop the country fast enough. This created an aversion against 'new' ideas, and people had recourse to 'safe' traditions.
In 1997, the Duma passed a religious protection bill. This bill declared Orthodoxy, Islam, Judaism, and Buddhism as the established religions of Russia (Riasanovsky 2000: 628). These established religions started to affiliate themselves with history and as 'traditional'.
This made it difficult for other religious groups, especially new ones, to operate in the country. They were not seen as 'traditional' and therefore not as reliable. Alla (34, Bahai) told me that in Ulan-Ude the 'new' religions became seen as sects . Sacha (18) told me she was scared of the two Mormon men, because they were part of a sect. Some students who had joined the 'new' religions went through hard times with their families and friends who were not into the same religion. She finds it difficult to participate in religious activities with her extended family. They oppose her religious affiliation and the different ideas, like the prohibition of alcohol, that intrude the 'traditional' family activities. Tanja (28) started with education into Bahai religion. In the fourth year of her studies (this was in 1996) she started to doubt whether or not her soul was ripe enough for this religion. She made the decision to stop the religious courses.
Stabilization
Since the turn of the millennium the economical and political situation stabilized a little, and there is even the feeling of small economic growth. Anja (23) and Tanja (18) told me that TanjaÕs scholarship (stipendia) is more nowadays, than when Anja started in 1998. Nevertheless students cannot survive from this money only. They get help from their family, they find work, and students from outside the city have an opportunity to get a room in a free or cheap dormitory.
The perspective on religion is shifting to a place between the extremes of positivism and sceptism. Religion is taken serious, but one can also make jokes about it. In these times students do not have extreme feelings anymore about religions. The perceptions of religion also shifted to a place between tolerance and intolerance. There is respect for people with other ideas. It is for example normal for students to have friends with different religious identities. Nevertheless people are also still scep-tical about 'new' religions. For example, Anna (19, not religious) was questioning Daniel (18, agnostic) about his religiousness and especially his perspective on Bahai religion. She was laughing about it. Daniel, a little offended, said he was not yet with any religion, but he did go to several meetings, also Bahai. Anna laughed again, saying he was doing the same as her sister. Daniel started laughing too. In this example Anna was sceptical about religion. She nevertheless still respected the other persons choices.
Furthermore, the role of religion tends to go to the background in the formation of collective identities. Students participate in other activities than religious ones. They emphasized that religion is important for them, but not the sole important aspect of their lives. Lena (18, Orthodox Christian) for example told me she did ask people about their religiousÕ opinions. If they did not react interested she would let it go and resume the conversations on other topics.
Conclusions
This article examined the role of religion in the formation of collective identities. Students in Ulan-Ude do not form only one identity and group. They have dynamic personal and collective identities, also with regard to religion. As the definition already states, identity has many variations between and within people. In this article I wanted to clarify this differentiation. At the same it also became clear that there are similarities also. So although one can state that religion plays an important role in the lives of students, the amount of importance differs with each student. Just as the interaction between their personal religious identities and their collective identities varies according to time and space. Within the post-communist era I distinct three different periods. These periods are optimism, sceptism and stabilization. I used these periods to clarify the variation that occurs in time.
Religion very often is used as a safety net. In many different ways this influences the relation between students and other people. One is the tolerant perspective towards other ideas. One is tolerant to different ideas, and so to different religious affiliations. Also, the implementation of religious ideas often means being tolerant towards people with other religious ideas.
Another way is using religious affiliation as a boundary marker for a collectivity. In this perspective religion is often seen in close relation with a national or ethnic identity.
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